Archive for the ‘History’ Category

Learning from Las Vegas. A 2013 update

Thursday, April 18th, 2013

Learning from Las Vegas. A 2013 update.

Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown wrote their famous book, Learning from Las Vegas forty years ago. The book had two well-known ideas:  they divided buildings into either decorated sheds (those  that relied on ornamentation to communicate function) and ducklings (those that communicated their meaning by their physical form and they proposed that the architecture of Las Vegas  was meant to be seen by cars traveling by at 35-40 miles per hour.

I was in Las Vegas recently and I decided to reassess these ideas while there.

1. The decorated shed/duckling dichotomy is still valuable for considering architecture. But we now know that some buildings lie (the New York casino is not really New York). Also, a great many building simply have nothing to say. The curse of many buildings and neighborhoods is that they are dull. Or ugly. The fact that they are trying to say something is irrelevant.

2.  The architecture of the suburban strip may be meant to be observed at 35 miles per hour, but suburban traffic means that these speeds are rarely achieved. The architecture of the big box store behind acres of parking is immediately recognizable. But the slower speeds diminish their impact.

3.  In Las Vegas, new development eliminates the big setback from the street. The buildings now closely hug the sidewalk. So the very urban form the authors were celebrating, the conditions that facilitated the ability to appreciate commercial strips are no longer there.

4. Commercial strip architecture, essentially born in the post war era, is now old and feels dated. It’s not something new and trendy, if under appreciated. It’s what our parents like. It’s time for a new idiom to be born.

How did we get here? A history of health and the built environment in the United States

Thursday, February 7th, 2013

How did we get here? A history of health and the built environment in the United States

Research on health and the built environment, often focused on obesity and physical activity, exploded after 2000.  In the past ten years, the number of published papers has dramatically increased and a consensus has emerged as to what is the ideal environment for promoting the health of everyone.  Part of this effort has resulted in new criticisms of conventional development patterns that has features which separately and in concert contribute to a variety of negative health outcomes.

Given the health problems now associated with conventional development, observers might conclude that conventional development resulted from ideas about the built environment that consciously ignored their potential health impacts or were created without any underlying thought or theory at all; conventional development is the result of mindless chaos.  But this is wrong.  The very features of conventional development now known to be negative for health are actually the result of thoughtful responses to the perceived health and environmental problems of earlier times.

Health has played a major role in shaping the built environment since the middle of the nineteenth century.  The professions of public health and urban planning both arose during this time in response to the health and environmental problems associated with industrialization, immigration, and urbanization.  Health provided the legal rational for public policy interventions that shaped urban law, zoning, and building codes.  It was an important force in conventional suburban design theory, ideas regarding urban growth and decay, and major architectural movements such as modernism and suburban neighborhood design.

This has important implications for current efforts to produce active living environments.  Battles over the legal authority to regulate housing parallel current efforts to limit access to unhealthy food in schools and neighborhoods, for example. The findings also suggest the need for continuing reassessment and evaluation.  A central problem underlying many of the policy failures of past efforts to improve the built environment to promote health is that hypotheses were untested and implemented programs were not evaluated.  Thus the health effects of the conventional suburban cul de sac neighborhood were not assessed until the end of the 1990s, nearly 45 years after the large scale post war suburban growth surge began and over 100 years after the theory of neighborhood design that produced it began to emerge.

By learning about the struggles, successes, and failures of past policies, we can make current and future efforts to use the built environment to promote health more effective.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Children in cities

Thursday, January 24th, 2013

For my follow up to my book on the history of using architecture and health to promote health (see Building American Public Health: Urban Planning, Architecture and the Quest for Better Public Health in the United States), I am working on a book on the history of children in US cities. It’s going to interesting. For one thing, children are very sensitive to the envieprinmental conditions around them.  Changes in social policy as well as health and environmental problems can have a profound impact on them. From th rise of US cities in the nineteenth century to changes in welfare policy in the twentieth, children have seen important changes in their living conditions

Some of the topics I intend to address include: child labor, infectious diseases, schools and segregation, environmental diseases, and obesity and the issue of whether children should live in cities at all. I am deep into the research and writing of this book.

New York Streets Neighborhood – Boston

Thursday, January 17th, 2013

Henri Lefevbre famously said that urban space is socially constructed. Peter Marcuse elaborated on this by pointing out that urban form is the result of conflict  between groups.  Langley Keys used game theory to describe these conflicts, pointing out that different groups have identifiable strengths and goals they bring into these conflicts and thus the resulting form is the result of compromises and battles between these groups.

But what happens when one group has all the power and has no need or desire to compromise?  The result can be the extreme rebuilding of a neighborhood.  One community that has seen at least a half dozen of these highly unequal battles for space is Boston’s New York Streets Neighborhood.  This project is a case study documenting how extreme inequality can dramatically change urban landscapes.

A history of urban sprawl

Thursday, January 10th, 2013

We know that people in the United States have been moving to the edges of cities and metropolitan areas for centuries. See Robert Bruegann’s A Compact History of Sprawl or Dolores Hayden’s Building Suburbia for the details of this history.  Even the post World War II era saw several waves of suburban development development that Hayden characterized as sitcom suburbs and edge cities. The end of the century saw extreme commutes with a lot of development in what are now often referred to as exurbs.

But what we don’t know is how much sprawl has been occurring over the past many decades and whether these trends are continuing at a steady pace, accelerating, or decelerating. One very imprecise measure is the proportion of people living in suburbs versus center cities, but this tells us very little  because some suburbs are very dense and sone central cities contain large areas of low density development. For example, some suburbs are denser than their center cities: Somerville, MA and Daly City, CA are two.  Other cities, such as Phoenix and Houston, have very low density areas within their city limits (not to mention the issue with measures for consolidated cities an counties).

A problem with many sprawl measures is that they’re relative measures. Even if you could calculate them for multiple years, they would not tell you how sprawl changed in that particular metro area.

So one project I am working on is to calculate sprawl for every metro area for each census year from 1970 to 2010. This uses a measure developed by my colleague Pat Hynes and me that is based on the difference between the proportion of a metropolitan area’s high density and low density population. A measure I call the Density Balance Sprawl Index.

The results, almost ready for publication, will surprise many people. Stay tuned.

New York Streets Neighborhood Boston

Monday, November 12th, 2012

I am working on a paper on how local to global economic and social forces can dramatically reshape a community. The paper focuses on the New York Streets area of Boston. It was once a poor but close knit integrated community. Then it was destroyed by urban renewal. The neighborhood had 4500 people when it was completely demolished.  It was replaced by a failed industrial park.  The community was the home of Mel King, the great State Representative and almost Mayor of Boston.

Allison Barnett (a great writer) recently authored an article on NYS in the South End News.

Here are some pictures I took of the area.  Imagine 4500 once lived here.

 

Should Modernism be preserved?

Monday, July 2nd, 2012

I love Modern architecture.  One of the highlights of last year was when I visited Phillip Johnson’s spectacular Glass House in New Canaan, CT.  The house has a serenity, an intelligence and a beauty that is difficult to describe in words.  It makes you feel, it makes you connect to it.  I am so grateful it has been preserved and made available to the public.  Other Modern favorites are Le Corbusier’s Carpenter Center at Harvard and Ludwig Mies van der Rohe’s Chicago lakefront apartment buildings.  The Seagram Building and Lever Building in New York are must see attractions in my book.

But should all Modern building be saved? No.  Too many are second rate, bad, dysfunctional.  For example, should anyone weep over the Walter Gropius’s MetLife building in New York?  No.  If it were to be torn down, all that we would lose is a firsthand example of how architects can be arrogant or unable to resist the pressure of commerce.

I don’t buy the arguments that someday, we will miss these buildings when tastes change.  A couple of years ago, James Levine presented a Boston Symphony Orchestra season long program of Schoenberg and Beethoven.  After a year of concerts, lectures and exhibits, I still don’t like Schoenberg.  I now understand why I don’t and also understand why after nearly a century, the public doesn’t either.  Modern music fails to resonate with people’s psychic needs.  It doesn’t connect. Much of Modern architecture is the same.  The public is never going to come around.  Stop waiting.  Most of these buildings should go.

Being a genius isn’t everything

Monday, March 19th, 2012

I recently finished reading the book, The Fellowship, about Frank Lloyd Wright and school and offices at Taliesin and Taliesin West.  In one early draft of my forthcoming book, Building American Public Health, I referred to Wright as the United States’ greatest architects.  A reviewer made me take that line out, but it’s hard to think of another architect with as much broad and lasting influence.  The period room at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City highlights his amazing ability to design and occupy space, his prairie and usonian houses helped inspire American suburban architecture.   One can debate Wright’s place in American architecture, but one cannot deny the man’s genius. His ideas of a hundred years ago help shape our lives today.

But in other ways, Wright was a lunatic, elitist, and a racist.  He (or at least his last wife) flirted with the occult and strange paternalistic mysticism.  Wright was a notorious anti-Semite, selfish and beyond redemption when it came to personal relationships. The way he treated his acolytes who worked for him borders on the criminal. Even when he merely strayed from architecture to urban planning, Wright was off base. Wright’s ideas on urban and suburban design, as set forth in Broadacre City, were just plain wrong.  The idea of people living in scattered site developments, dependent on cars, growing their own food, divorced from each other is environmentally unsustainable, socially depleting and bad for health.

Nor was Wright all that great as a theoretician.  His attempts to articulate his ideas on design, often referred in the shorthand as organic architecture, boarder on the incoherent.  The man who was arguably the greatest genius of American architecture was amazingly stunted when it came to almost everything else.  He knew one thing, architecture; he knew it in a way that led everyone else to look at the world in a new way.  But he couldn’t see past his own prejudices in judging his surroundings or the world.  The lesson here?  We can admire genius (tempered, of course, by their moral and other shortcomings), but this admiration must always be bounded by sharp acknowledgement of the limits to genius.

A corollary cautionary tale is found when considering the geniuses of other fields.  Consider Steve Jobs.  He certainly made my life better with his visionary technologies.  But has he solved the problems of infant mortality, income inequality, global warming?  No.  He is a genius at melding design with technological innovation to develop new products that capture the imagination of many.  But he did not change the world.  Similarly, will we remember Bill Gates more for coming up a way of integrating the computer into everyday life?  Or will we remember him as the man who helped end the suffering and misery of billions.  Which should we remember him as?  Finally, there is Peter Thiel, one of the founders of PayPal.  A great idea that is used by millions.  But his politics, as profiled in the New Yorker magazine, are a childish brand of libertarianism.  How can a man who is part of an industry that seems incapable of figuring out how to hire women and people of color in any appreciable numbers think he has the clues to solving the social ills of the 21st century.  There is a limit to genius.

Lewis Mumford and Modern housing

Monday, March 12th, 2012

Today I’m going to live on the edge and critique Lewis Mumford, one the giants of American urban planning and sociology.  According to Wikipedia, Mumford was born in 1895 in New York City and died in 1990. As part of my research for my forthcoming book, Building American Public Health, I read his essays from the New Yorker (he was the magazine’s architecture critic for over 30 years) as well as his very influential book, The City in History.  I read many other of his writings as well.  Mumford was a founding member of New York City’s Regional Plan Association and he strongly promoted mid 20th century orthodox urban planning:  strict separation of land uses, superblocks, and rationalization of the unruly chaos of city living.  He was very concerned with crime, most of his criticism of Jane Jacobs in his review of her book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, focused on what he saw as her misguided approach to crime control – the eyes on the street and 24 hour uses as ways of keeping evil doers at bay.  The essay is not easy to find and it is at times sexist, but it is worth reading.

Mumford has an interesting relationship with Modern architecture.  He was one of its early promoters and he saw the cruciform and Y-shaped building of early Modernist housing as very health promoting, mostly because they separated people from cars and provided access to sunlight and ventilation.  In contrast, he called Park Avenue a high cost slum and predicted that the apartment buildings sprouting up on the Upper East Side would never hold their value once people realized how little light and air they allowed in.

I was in New York City recently and had a chance to compare Park Avenue in the east 70s, an area with apartment buildings tight to the street, to the Chelsea Homes in the west 20s, a mid-century Modernist superblock development. It’s sad to say that Mumford had it wrong.  Fortunately, New York City public housing has held its quality over the years, even the high rise housing.  But no one who could afford it would prefer the Modernist inspired superblocks/skyscraper in the park of the Chelsea Homes to the conventional buildings of Park Avenue.  Even Mumford, to his credit, turned eventually turned against the Modernist superblock ideal of housing.

Key dates in the history of the built environment

Tuesday, February 28th, 2012

These dates are drawn from my upcoming book, Building American Public Health: Urban Planning, Architecture, and the Quest for Better Health in the United States

The list can be found at:

http://russlopez.com/building_american_public_health